Australia's first Chinese Anglican minister

The Church of England’s

Mission to the Chinese in Sydney

between 1879 and 1911

through the Reverend George Soo Hoo Ten (司徒千)

‘By 1912 he appears to have retired to Homebush.’[1]

            - Ruth Teale, Australian Dictionary of Biography’s Sydney research associate

This quote refers to the ministry of Reverend George Soo Hoo Ten[2], who became Sydney’s, and likely Australia’s, first Chinese Anglican minister.[3] He proved to be a capable, charismatic and convicted missionary to the Chinese in Sydney. Johnstone’s authoritative volume on the history of C.M.S. Australia states that Ten’s work at the NSW C.M.A.[4] ended in 1911 with the cryptic and passive words: “Ten’s connection with the Mission ceased.” [5] No explanation is given, though reasons of health and falling attendance numbers might be implied from the context. For the large part of Soo Hoo Ten’s ministry, glowing words were written. The end of his ministry has been attributed, by various writers, to a number of external factors. His age at death is recorded in the ‘N.S.W. Registry of Births, Deaths and Marriages’ as 86. From this can be calculated that his cessation of Chinese ministry with the Church of England tied in closely with his retirement age. Ruth Teale’s brief biography of Soo Hoo Ten ends with this conclusion. (She makes the same wording in the evangelical dictionary.[6]) Subsequent writers have adopted this conclusion uncontroversially. This essay presents calculations demonstrating that the date recorded in the Registry cannot be correct. Soo Hoo Ten had several years of ministry ‘working life’ left in him, and evidence exists indicating that he indeed expended his energies elsewhere. It appears then, that the cessation of his connection with C.M.A. was not a natural retirement, but may point to a falling out between the two parties. Although any definitive evidence has been lost in a fire back in 1921, it is conceivable that the loss of Soo Hoo Ten’s services caused the Sydney Diocese to lose its foothold on the Chinese community, a loss that is reflected in Sydney Anglican church demographics today.

The Chinese in Sydney

The numbers of Chinese in the colony of N.S.W. is well documented. In the second half of the 19^th century the figures hovered around 10,000. (See, for example, Choi.[7]) Most came for the gold rush beginning in the 1850s, but in subsequent decades many established their livelihood in Australia.

George Soo Hoo Ten and the Church of England

Much of what we know of Soo Hoo Ten’s beginnings is due to the historical records of Dr. Andrew Houison, secretary of the Australian Board of Missions. Houison tells of how Soo Hoo Ten came to be connected with the Church of England:

‘In the year 1877, an intelligent young Chinese, Mr. George Soo Hoo Ten, introduced himself to one of the clergy of this city. He had been in Sydney more than a year, during which time he had striven, on his own responsibility, to make known the Saviour to his countrymen. He had left China nine[8] years before for California, where he was converted from heathenism to Christianity. After due enquiry and examination, he was introduced to the Bishop of Sydney as a suitable person to be employed as a Catechist to labour amongst the Chinese in Sydney. A meeting was called of the Diocesan Corresponding Committee of the A.B.M. presided over by the Bishop, and on the 14 July he was engaged for the work.’[9]

By 1881 Ten was spending his time amongst the Chinese in Botany, Waterloo and Sydney. He ran multiple services in Chinese, commanding attendance numbers in the dozens.[10] In 1883, a meeting put on by the Church of England at St Andrew’s schoolroom, with Ten translating addresses by senior clergy, attracted 250 Chinese.[11] In 1884, the ‘annual social and public meeting in connection with the Church of England Chinese Mission’ attracted ‘about 800 Chinese, with their wives and families, and 160 Europeans.’ [12]

Yet for all this growth, Ten was more interested in genuine converts. Archdeacon King reported that ‘the increasing attendance and marked attention of several in the congregation. There were at this time several candidates for Baptism under the instruction of Mr. Soo Hoo Ten, but he held and indeed still holds very decided views about the danger of admitting any to the Holy Ordinance until they are decided in the determination to follow Christ – that the Gospel may not be brought into contempt, or the way of Christ evil spoken of.’[13]

Moving beyond merely attracting numbers at tea meetings and services, Ten set out to build up more relational gatherings:

‘In 1884… Under the direction of Mr. Soo Hoo Ten there was started at this time a monthly meeting for fellowship and special instruction, which they called ‘The Chinese Y.M.C.A.’ To these meetings they admitted their countrymen who shewed any indication of interest in the Christian faith. There were about 40 members.’[14]

The friends he made actually helped finance his operations:

‘Services were held every Sunday afternoon in St. Philip’s School, and in the evening at St. Andrew’s. The attendance at the weekly night schools both in Sydney and at Botany have much increased – and an interesting point may here be noted… the rent of the school at Botany was provided for by the Chinese Christians.’[15]

1885: Baptisms, the deaconing, the first Chinese church

The following year was significant in Ten’s career. The recently arrived Bishop Barry preached at the baptism of ‘half-a-dozen’ Chinese converts at St Andrew’s Cathedral. In sermon notes handed out at the event, the subtitle reveals the colonial Christian attitude towards the Chinese: ‘Our duty to the subject races.”[16] In this sermon Barry argues that the English Christians have two duties towards the Chinese – first as a community, and secondly as the Church of Christ. These are the two points of Barry’s sermon reproduced by the SMH.[17] But he went on to speak of a third duty: he admonished the English (i.e. Australian) Christians to aid in the mission by living godly lives. ‘Every one of you, who will shew to our Chinese brethren the true life of Christianity, in righteousness and purity, in labour and love, will help to draw them to the true fold.’ [18] It is understandable that the English could not communicate with the Chinese, hence Barry’s call simply for godliness. But the SMH would not publish this call!

Ungodliness of the ‘English’ was a hindrance that the clergy could see. In 1879 Ten wrote in his first report, ‘The bad lives of some of the English people do much harm. The Chinese tell me to go and convert them.’[19] No wonder Soo Hoo Ten refused to allow his own converts to be nominal.

The second major event for Soo Hoo Ten in 1885 was his Deaconing. The timing was probably so that he would minister at the Botany Chinese church, being built. Initially the Primate wanted an English missionary to do so:

‘Aug 15 1885. Primate saw difficulty in way of ordination of S.H.T. and suggested desirability of securing services of ordained English missionary from England or China… Reported that Chinese church at Botany would be ready in a week.’[20]

Within the next fortnight he’d evidently agreed to have Ten ordained to lead this church, for at the annual Chinese Mission social gathering he spoke of that ordination as another ‘step of progress’ to look forward to.[21]

On 21 December – six days before the opening of the church – Ten was ordained, ‘to officiate in the church known as Christ Church at Botany.’[22]

The third major event was the opening of the Chinese church. Houison notes that plans for a church building were formulated to accommodate growth in the Mission to the Chinese.[23] Ten himself was active in raising money for this church.[24]

In June a corner-stone laying ceremony was held at the site. It was called ‘the first of its kind in the colony.’ Bishop Barry preached a call for unity between Chinese and European.[25]

Six months later, on 27 December, the ‘Christ Church’ at Botany was opened. An ‘overflowing congregation’ attended this colonial double-first: a first Chinese Anglican minister, and a first Chinese church. Soo Hoo Ten first conducted a service in Chinese. Bishop Barry spoke next, warning that the Anglo-Saxon had a choice to make in regards to the Chinese: reject, or embrace them in Christian unity. He also ‘spoke in condemnation of the spirit of Pharisaism which would exclude the Chinese from participating in the privileges of Christian civilisation.’[26]

The Primate’s appearance at the Chinese church was not going to be a one-off. In May of the following year he returned to conduct the service and to celebrate Holy Communion,[27] which Ten himself, being a Deacon, could not conduct.

Marriage, magnificent ministry, money matters

George Soo Hoo Ten married a ‘European’ lady on 24 April, 1889.[28] Houison describes Ten’s choice: ‘And this reminds me that it was in 1889 that Mr. Soo Hoo Ten felt that it was not good for man to be alone and he chose as his partner the one who is so well known to most of us, and who has taken such an active interest in his work.’[29] We read of Elizabeth’s musical assistance at Ten’s ministry events in years to come.[30]^,[31]

With their missionary now married, Houison immediately writes of financial issues: ‘During this year the Mission appears to have got into very deep waters financially. A debt of nearly £200 existed, and efforts were made by means of meetings with various parishes to arouse increased interest in the work.’[32]

And while the ministry continues to grow, the A.B.M. draws attention to the Chinese Mission’s need for funds:

“One Missionary and one Catechist amongst the thousands of Chinese in the city and suburbs are plainly not enough… Gladly would it employ more men if the Church supplied the means to pay them… it is a matter which calls aloud for action. No more promising Missionary enterprise could be imagined. Everything is in its favour, as far as opportunities go. The Chinese are separated from old heathen associations, they live in a Christian land, are surrounded by encouragements to become Christians. The Missionary is experienced, earnest, and successful. The blessing of God is resting upon his labours…”[33]

Profile raising and support raising

Throughout the 1890s reports of ‘tea meetings’ provided the vehicle for raising the profile of the Chinese Mission. Annual ‘tea and social meetings’ were inaugurated in August 1890 at St Andrew’s schoolroom, attended by over 400 ‘celestials’.[34] It was repeated in July 1891, with ‘a large attendance.’ Such meetings were not confined to Sydney; a tea meeting held at Parramatta was attended by ‘a large number of Chinese’.[35] Whilst the speeches at these meetings were not reported, undoubtedly the shape of Ten’s ministry, based at the church in Botany, would have been presented along with a call for support.

Taking a bigger view of the mission, Soo Hoo Ten could be seen ministering to the Chinese around Sydney and beyond throughout his ministry.

In February 1884 Soo Hoo Ten visited the Chinese in Bathurst, sharing the gospel with them at their homes. He preached at the Town Hall, packed with Chinese men.[36] In September that year Ten preached from John 3:16 to an estimated 100 Chinese at Parramatta.[37] In 1885 the Chinese church at Botany was opened. In May 1886 Soo Hoo Ten and others preached to 160 Chinese in Marrickville at a tea meeting.[38]

The next two years see Ten making interstate visits. In 1887 he visited Brisbane for two weeks, the result of which ‘classes have been formed, and missionary work will receive greater encouragement.’[39] Attendances at his events varied from ‘poor’[40] to ‘very large, about 90’ – he again preached from John 3:16.[41] Yet another tea-meeting, attended by 124 Chinese men, surprised some that ‘there was no discord, and a very large proportion of the Chinese join in the singing or followed the words most intelligently.’ Attendees at this meeting were invited to attend classes: ‘two classes for English, and one class each week for teaching them about Jesus Christ and his religion.’[42]

In July 1888 Ten visited Melbourne.[43] In the following few years he travelled even more frequently, speaking of the work and gathering financial support: in 1889 he spoke in Balmain[44], Woollahra[45] and Parramatta.[46] In 1890 he spoke in Bathurst[47] and Darlinghurst.[48]  Woolloomooloo[49], Parramatta[50], Bathurst[51] and Maitland[52] were visited in 1891.

No further travel is reported for the next 3 years. In 1894 Ten attended the consecration of a new Chinese church in Melbourne.[53] In August he was scheduled to start a new catechist to labour among the Chinese in Launceston, Tasmania, but was unable due to illness.[54] In September he was listed amongst the passengers returning by ship from Melbourne, though his business there is uncertain.[55] Before the year was out he had also visited Marrickville with the Chinese Mission Choir[56], and Parramatta.[57]

At this point the 1895 A.B.M. Annual Report provides their understanding of the activities thus far:

‘The Mission to the Chinese in Sydney has been carried on steadily during the past year, but its progress has been seriously impeded by the removal of our Catechist to Tasmania, in consequence of which the whole work was thrown upon our own Missionary. Mr. Soo Hoo Ten was, however, bravely struggled on, and has endeavoured to keep the Mission in as vigorous as condition as possible. As might be expected, some places had to be neglected, and the work among the Chinese residents at North Sydney, Parramatta, and others places in the suburbs has suffered. Mr. Soo Hoo Ten has done a great deal of visiting, but principally among his countrymen resident in the City, and at Irish Town[58], Waterloo, and Botany.’[59]

The ‘neglected’ services at Parramatta, mentioned in this report, appear to have resumed in July 1895.[60]

In 1896 the Chinese Mission Choir is engaged extensively in the support-raising visits. The Chinese Sub-committee, comprising three men including the secretary Andrew Houison, produced a standard form for delivery to each Sydney parish. It read:

‘                                                Sydney, 30th January, 1896.
To _________________
SIR,
   At the last meeting of the Sydney Diocesan Corresponding Committee, a Sub-Committee was appointed to consider the best means for arousing an increased interest in the work of the Chinese Mission in our midst. After careful consideration, the Sub-Committee have determined to hold a Public Meeting annually in every Parish in which the Clergyman will give his sympathy and consent. The Chinese Choir will attend and render selections at such meetings.
   If you are in sympathy with this movement, will you be good enough to name a date, within the ensuring year, on which such meeting can be held in your Parish. An early reply will oblige in order that the necessary arrangements may be made.’[61]

And so the energetic missionary visits many parishes throughout 1896. In March: Mosman, Cleveland St, Church Hill (St Philip’s),[62] and Campbell St.[63] In April: Parramatta[64] and Balmain North.[65] In May: Ashfield[66] and Newtown.[67] In July: Petersham.[68] In December: Kogarah.[69] The mission choir is mentioned in many of these articles.

In August 1897 Dr. Andrew Houison, A.B.M. Secretary of the Chinese Mission, delivered a fund-raising lecture on ‘Old Sydney’ in Ashfield. This is his last recorded involvement with the Mission, before it was transferred to the C.M.A. (discussed below). His historical notes (archived at Mitchell Library[70]) end at this time also. (From 1896, historical records are picked up by the NSW C.M.A.)

Soo Hoo Ten was not only involved in the N.S.W. mission. His expertise was requested by the Victorian C.M.A. in managing their Chinese missions; he visited Melbourne in September 1897.[71]

After the opening of St Luke’s at Wexford St (of which Soo Hoo Ten would be the minister - discussed below) in 1898, the support-raising travels ceased. When he next travels, it is generally further abroad, and to assist with local Chinese missions: Bathurst (1899)[72], Woollomooloo (1899)[73], Gundagai (1900)[74], Bowral (1900)[75], Cootamundra (1900)[76], Parramatta (1901)[77], Maitland (1902)[78], and Tamworth (1903).[79] No more travels are reported from this time on; perhaps the journeys had become too hard on his body.

1898: The second church, the priesting, and the handover

If 1885 was a big year for Ten (the Bishop’s baptism speech, ordination as deacon, Chinese church at Botany), then 1898 would prove equally monumental, with another church, another ordination, and a restructuring.

‘The time had now come when it was necessary that a church should be erected in Sydney for the exclusive use of the Chinese (Christians[80]),’[81] recalls Dr. Houison. He records a meeting in which moneys were given towards the site and the building, and Soo Hoo Ten having collected the balance ‘chiefly from the Chinese themselves.’ It would be a church that would mean much to him.

Described as nineteenth-century Gothic in architecture[82] with a dash of Chinese[83], and able to accommodate 250 persons, St Luke’s was opened on 31 March 1898 by Archbishop Dr. Saumarez Smith. Dr. Houison, as secretary of the Chinese Mission, stated that the cost of the ground, £1050, had been met mostly by the Chinese themselves. The cost of the building itself had almost been fully met, with a call to help meet the remainder.

Surprisingly, Soo Hoo Ten was not stated as present, in any of the three Sydney newspapers[84]. However the opening was attended by ‘about 30 surpliced Anglican clergymen, and a large congregation of Chinese and friends of the Chinese Mission’; surely Ten would’ve been amongst them.

Soo Hoo Ten was priested a few months after the opening of St Luke’s Chinese church on Wexford St. One could wonder why he was kept in the diaconate for thirteen years before this. Nevertheless, the earliest documented murmurings of priesting Ten came about when Archdeacon Langley took over as Superintendent of the Chinese Mission at the end of 1891, when Archdeacon King had to resigned due to failing health. Dr Houison recorded: “Then, as now, it was felt how much to the advantage of the Mission it would be if the clergyman in charge were in priest’s orders and able to administer the Holy Communion himself.”[85] More formally, Langley wrote in his 1892 Annual Report: “The Rev. F. T. Trivett still very kindly continues to administer the Holy Communion at Botany Church, but I think it would be much to the advantage of the Mission, if the Missionary Clergyman in charge were in Priest’s Orders, and able to administer the Sacrament himself.”[86]

Soo Hoo Ten was priested on 24 June 1898. On his completed questionnaire, ‘Candidates for the Office of a Priest’, we learn: “I preach without manuscript – I preach three times each week at the least”, and “My greatest difficulty is that I am always losing the members of my Christian congregation through their leaving this colony for China.” [87]

The SMH provided the most comprehensive description of the service (in which Ten was one of eight clergy ordained), observing particularly that whilst the attending congregation was large, ‘particularly so for a week-day [Friday] service’, many of them were ‘adherents of the Chinese Anglican Mission, who were attracted to the service in view of the fact that one of the priests to be ordained’ was George Soo Hoo Ten.[88]

Literally days after Soo Hoo Ten was priested, a significant managerial change fell upon the Chinese Mission: control of it was transferred from the A.B.M. to NSW C.M.A. It was regarded as ‘by far the most important event of the year’.[89] In a Memorandum dated 29 June 1898, Saumarez Smith (as President of the Australian Board of Missions), informed the NSW and Victoria C.M.A. Secretaries that ‘the charge of the Chinese Missions, hitherto under the immediate control of the A.B.M., is hereby transferred to the C.M. Associations, in accordance with the negotiations which commenced on October 22, 1896…’ With the transfer came an account of outstanding payments to Mission workers (‘Agents’), the largest being four months’ stipend owing to Soo Hoo Ten.

The said negotiations which began in 1896 were marked by a prolonged delay beginning with two clergy opposing the transfer.[90] The objections are not specified, but likely related to control: the Primate soon wrote to Mr. Walsh, Secretary of the NSW C.M.A., seeking assurance that any ‘Agent’ that the C.M.A. might put into the Chinese Mission would have to have the ‘permission’ or ‘license’ of the Bishop; the next day Walsh replied with agreement.[91] Nevertheless, the delay continued, with the C.M.A. Committee asking the Primate the following year for a speedy resolution. The reply was simply that the negotiations were still hung.[92] Nothing more is recorded until the Memorandum of 29 June 1898, mere days after the priesting of Soo Hoo Ten. One wonders if the ‘permission’ or ‘license’ issue was what was finally met by Ten’s priesting. And if the SMH report of the opening of St Luke’s church was a press release by the Church of England, then the suppression of Ten’s name may have been a matter of prudence. Might Soo Hoo Ten’s priesting never have happened but for the transfer of the Chinese Mission negotiations? He had been a Deacon for over twelve years; perhaps some in the Church of England saw no particular need to change that.

The timing of C.M.A.’s takeover offer letter is also worth considering: it came only two weeks after the ceremonial laying of the foundation stone of the Wexford St church. At that event, Soo Hoo Ten was profusely named in the press.[93] But from the opening of the church until the completion of the transfer, there is no mention of Ten’s as the future minister of the church. Possibly a news embargo was in place until the Primate could complete his negotiations.

The down years

The NSW CMA Annual Reports continued to provide detailed accounts of the active Chinese Mission up to 1903. But the 1903 report ended with ominous words: ‘For some years the cost of the Mission has been double the amount contributed towards its maintenance.’[94] The 1904 report was minimal, and Ten was not named.[95] The 1905-06 reports includes a glowing commendation of Soo Hoo Ten by Rev. Trickett: ‘…Ten, who has been steadily employed for the last twenty-six years is still able to attract his countrymen to the St Luke’s Mission, in Wexford-street, as no one else can.’ We do learn, however, that Ten suffered severe problems with asthma.[96] But the following two annual reports (1906-07, 1907-08) again contain very brief reports with no mention of Ten. In 1908-09 much bad news was reported: resumptions of Wexford St properties has seen many of the Chinese population leave the area; failing health and illness of ‘the Chinese Pastor’; departure of Catechists; and the ‘resignation rendered necessary by removal of some old and valued European lay-helpers’.[97] Were they retrenched due to finances?

1908: Resumption of the second church.

In 1908 (probably) St Luke’s Chinese church was resumed. We look at this from the angles of the Sydney Municipal Council, the Diocese of Sydney, and NSW C.M.A.

(i)         Sydney Municipal Council

Wexford St was a slum. In 1902 the Minister for Works spoke of hopes of resuming Wexford-street, ‘removing one of the worst slums in the world.’[98] When the Mayor repeated this desire, a voice called out, ‘And get rid of the Chinamen,’ which at least shows us that many Chinese lived in the area, confirming the strategic location of St Luke’s church.

The ‘Sydney Corporation Act 1902’ made allowance for the council to resume lands.[99] Then, the ‘Sydney Corporation Amendment Act 1905’ allowed for the resumption specifically of Wexford St.[100]

A spike in reports in the SMH of demolitions in Wexford St in 1908 corresponds with the 1908-1909 CMA Annual Report. St Luke’s church was probably demolished in this year.

(ii)               Diocesan Ordinances

In the 1906 Synod of the Diocese of Sydney an Ordinance was passed authorising the Corporate Trustees to receive compensation moneys for the resumption of Wexford St property. The Ordinance references a Notification of Resumption that the Church of England had received, dated 8 June 1906, issued under the Sydney Corporation Amendment Act 1905.[101] The compensation money was to be used for the CMA’s Mission to the Chinese, for buildings or clergy/catechists.[102]

This Ordinance was amended in 1913, authorising[103] the Corporate Trustees to direct its holdings to the Chinese ministry.[104]

(The money was available, so the failure to build a replacement church - discussed below - is not due to financial restrictions.)

(iii)       CMA year books

The 1908-09 Annual Report mentions the resumptions in Wexford St, though not the church specifically.[105] In 1909-10, ‘the Rev. George Soo Hoo Ten has been seriously unwell for some time and incapacitated for active work.’[106] This is the last time he is mentioned in the Annual Reports.

The 1910-11 Report states in regards to a Chinese Church, ‘it is exceedingly difficult at present to fix on what is likely to be a suitable site. The Chinese population, owing to the recent resumptions, is moving away from its old quarters and it is hard to say at present where it will settle down in the largest numbers and so afford the greatest opportunity for work in their midst.’[107] There is no mention either of a superintendent or of Ten.

The issue continues in the 1911-12 Report: ‘The erection of the Central Chinese Church on place of St. Luke’s, Wexford-street, has been purposely delayed owing to the resumption operations of the City Council. Under the circumstances it would be inadvisable to attempt the erection of another building until it can be definitely seen where the Chinese quarter will be located in our city.’[108]

The 1916 Report indicates clear struggles. The White Australia Policy has made it impossible to import a Chinese clergyman – the implication being that they hope to replace Soo Hoo Ten who is no longer working for them.

Subsequent Annual Reports on the Chinese Mission have little to present. After a number of Superintendents, the 1923 Report announces the appointment of Rev. Stephen Wicks, who serves for at least the next twenty years. The issue of a church building has definitely fallen off the radar.

After Soo Hoo Ten: C.M.A. efforts

1. Samuel Leong Bong

Noting that in 1911 ‘Soo Hoo Ten’s connection with the Mission ceased,’[109] Samuel Leong Bong was licensed as Catechist in 1912, at the age of 57. (Derived from his age, 79, when he died in 1934.[110]) He was licensed ‘as a Catechist amongst the Chinese amongst the Waterloo and Botany.’[111] Although he had worked with Soo Hoo Ten for many years, the fact that he was rushedly licensed (and ‘only’ as a Catechist) surely indicated that C.M.A. had no other suitable Chinese evangelist.

He remained Catechist for almost twenty years until retirement in 1931. This meant that he kept working until the age of 76, again indicating that the C.M.A. had no one suitable to replace him.

In the Budget of 1931-1932, Leong Bong’s stipend fell under the category of ‘Pensions to retired missionaries’.[112] Samuel Leong Bong received a pension in his retirement, yet Soo Hoo Ten in his ‘retirement’ (as assumed by Ruth Teale[113]) received no pension.

Leong Bong died in 1934. It was reported at the General Committee meeting on 3 September 1934.[114] Yet the minutes of the next General Committee meeting of 8 October 1934 made no mention of Soo Hoo Ten’s death on 24 September. Of course, Mr. Wicks had not known of Soo Hoo Ten (having arrived in Australia in 1921[115]). But ‘the Secretary’ was likely C. R. Walsh, who had worked with Ten. With Ten having had such an illustrious career at C.M.A., why was his death unnoted?

2. Offer to take over Presbyterian Chinese ministry

At a meeting of the C.M.S. Chinese Committee on 12 October 1923, it was resolved ‘that Mr. Wicks be encouraged in his difficult task, and that an attempt be made to obtain the Chinese Presbyterian Church at Waterloo with a view to further development of the work there.’[116] This was their Campbell St church, which the Presbyterians had built in 1910 with the compensation money received from the resumption of their Foster Street Chinese Presbyterian Church.[117]

From the Presbyterians’ point of view, the Church of England was reputed to have conducted by far the most successful mission amongst the Chinese in Sydney. They offered their size, expertise, and Stephen Wicks, who had much missionary experience in China. Their Foreign Missions Committee were interested, but the Chinese congregation were not.[118] Negotiations apparently failed, and so the Presbyterians continued to have their Chinese Church, which served them well until 1957, when they moved to bigger premises in Crown St… a ministry that continues to this day.[119]

3. Disposal of the Botany church

In 1928, Synod passed an Ordinance to dispose of the Botany church, ‘by reason of the removal of Chinese from the neighbourhood it has been found impossible to secure a congregation and the said Church has been for some time past unused and is becoming deteriorated.’[120] Its demolition was advertised.[121]

Soo Hoo Ten’s final years of ministry – some questions

This essay raises questions surrounding the departure of Soo Hoo Ten from the Church of England’s Chinese mission.

Unfortunately, theories posed here cannot be ultimately substantiated, given the fire which destroyed the CMS records in 1921.[122]

Johnstone’s wording ‘ceased’ is puzzling.[123] He does not provide his source of information. The history was published in 1925, so he was probably researching before the fire. The passive wording avoids pointing the finger at either party. Vitally, he doesn’t use the word ‘resign’ or ‘retire’.

The date ‘1911’ suggests that, if Soo Hoo Ten was 86 when he died in 1934, then he was about 63 when he ceased work. This could’ve led Ruth Teale to assume he retired when she wrote her biographical entry.[124]

The age of ‘86’ is obtained from the NSW Registry of Births, Deaths and Marriages.[125] This is how Teale derived a birth year of 1848.

However:

a.       Soo Hoo Ten’s naturalisation record indicates that he was 28 as of 15 December 1882.[126] This indicates a birth year of 1854.

b.      Soo Hoo Ten’s Priesthood Candidate form[127] states he was 44 as of June 1898. This also indicates a birth year of 1854.

c.       Saumarez Smith, in his talk at the Laying of the Foundation Stone for the Wexford St church,[128] reports that Soo Hoo Ten was 17 when he went to San Francisco, where he stayed for 4 years before arriving in Sydney. Since the naturalisation certificate indicates an arrival date of 1875,[129] this too indicates a birth year of 1854.

This clearly contradicts the age ‘86’ recorded on Ten’s death record.

At his death in 1934, Soo Hoo Ten was 80, not 86.

It is conceivable that the data entry operator mis-read the hand-written ‘0’ as a ‘6’, given the way the number is usually written. The consequence is that in 1911 Soo Hoo Ten would’ve been close to retirement age, and thus the cessation of his connection with the Chinese Mission has not aroused any questions and investigation.

But with a birth year of 1854, Ten was only 57 when he left C.M.A.!

As we saw above, he received no retirement pension, and received no mention in the General Committee meetings when he died a mere 25 days after Samuel Leong Bong.

This suggests a falling out between Ten and C.M.A. Over what issue? Probably the construction of a replacement Chinese church in the city following the resumption of Wexford. The wording in the 1911-12 Annual Report sounds like one side of a dispute: ‘Under the circumstances it would be inadvisable to attempt the erection of another building until it can be definitely seen where the Chinese quarter will be located in our city.’[130] Soo Hoo Ten worked hard to build the Wexford Church. It only lasted ten years until it was resumed. The mission-minded and experienced Ten would have been convinced of the need to build a new church. Ten had love for his countrymen and their salvation; the Church of England were concerned about their missional ‘duty’. Whether the conflict saw him leave or terminated, matters little. The successful Presbyterian outcome demonstrates the folly and costliness of C.M.A.’s delays.

At only 57, Soo Hoo Ten still had energy. Whilst Teale writes that he retired to Homebush, in fact Ten joins another church!

George Soo Hoo Ten attended the St Georges Presbyterian Church of Eastern Australia, in Sydney. According to the obituary published in the PCEA newsletter, he ‘threw in his lot with the Free Presbyterian Church because of its Scriptural principles. He took an active interest in Chinese missionary work… Many will remember his accustomed place in the sanctuary… A few years ago he was very much concerned for the formation of a Free Presbyterian Chinese Mission in Sydney, and took the editor of this paper round several localities where it could be established. He thought of financing it himself.’[131]

We see here a missionary with energy and gospel passion for his countrymen. He did not simply ‘retire to Homebush’.

Why did he go to the PCEA? What previous researchers seem to have missed is that in 1878, between his self-introduction to the Church of England in 1877, and his employment as their Catechist in 1879, Soo Hoo Ten spoke at the PCEA Synod![132] At that time his name as recorded in the minutes was ‘Swo Ho Ten’, which may have eluded much research.

Why did Soo Hoo Ten not join the PCEA in 1878? Rev. George Sutherland, Convenor of the Church Extension Committee, would have wanted to recruit Ten. But Sutherland was involved in an dispute that split the PCEA for many years to come, which made ‘church extension’ (i.e. training and recruiting ministers) impossible.[133]

Conclusion

George Soo Hoo Ten is largely forgotten today. His career has demonstrated him to be a man concerned for the salvation of Chinese in Sydney and beyond. He was charismatic and innovative. He was the best man for the job. He would’ve advised strongly to build a new Chinese church in the city, and this may be the conflict that lead him and C.M.A. to part ways. It is a conflict that hasn’t attracted investigation, being unfortunately masked by an incorrectly recorded age at his death which gave the impression he retired quietly and comfortably.

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---

[1] Ruth Teale, ‘Ten, George Soo Hoo (1848–1934)’, Australian Dictionary of Biography (1976), Cited 29 May 2014, Online: http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/ten-george-soo-hoo-4699.

[2] The modern reader needs to understand that this romanisation is not from the Mandarin nor Standard Cantonese pronunciations, otherwise his name would’ve been rendered “sī tú qiān” or “si1 tou4 cin1” respectively. Rather, it is from Soo Hoo Ten’s Hoiping dialect (開平, known as ‘Kaiping’ today), sounding like ‘Tsoo Hoh Tien’, from which it can easily be heard as Soo Hoo Ten by European ears. “Soo Hoo” was his surname – an uncommon double-character surname. Diocesan yearbooks listed him under “Soo Hoo Ten, George” until 1896, when he began to be listed under “Ten, George Soo Hoo”. Notably, in his appearance in the 1878 PCEA Synod minutes, his name was recorded as ‘Swo Ho Ten’; either arbitrarily romanized by the secretary, or more likely Ten hadn’t yet standardised the spelling of his name. (‘Swo’ is probably a closer romanization of 司 in the Kaiping dialect.) This could also explain why Soo Hoo Ten’s early connection with the Free Presbyterian Church went seemingly unnoticed by many historians. Writers have largely treated ‘Ten’ as his surname, even though it is his given name. His Death Certificate (16594/1934) is filed under both ‘Ten’ and ‘Soo Hoo Ten’. His daughter Elsie took on the name Ten. Throughout this essay, he shall often be referred to as ‘Ten’, following common practice thus far.

[3] W.S. Smith, ‘Laying of the Foundation Stone of the Chinese Church in Wexford St.’ (Sydney, October 8, 1896), 2, Mitchell Library.

[4] The NSW CMA became CMS (NSW Branch) in 1917.

[5] S. M. (Samuel Martin) Johnstone, A History of the Church Missionary Society in Australia and Tasmania : With Introductory Articles on the Meaning of the Gospel, the Propagation of Gospel, and the Parent Society (Sydney: Church Missionary Society of Australia and Tasmania, 1925), 297.

[6] Ruth Teale, ‘TEN, George Soo Hoo (1848-1934)’, Australian Dictionary of Evangelical Biography (2004), Cited 29 May 2014, Online: http://webjournals.ac.edu.au/journals/adeb/t/ten-george-soo-hoo-1848-1934/.

[7] C. Y. Choi, Chinese Migration and Settlement in Australia ([Sydney]: Sydney University Press, 1975), . chap. 2.

[8] This does not fit into calculations.

[9] Andrew Houison, ‘The Chinese Mission’, Textual Records (Mitchell Library, Sydney, N.S.W., 1896), 46, Microfilm : CY 3279, B332, Mitchell Manuscripts Section, State Library of New South Wales.

[10] ‘DIOCESAN SYNOD OF SYDNEY.’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, June 23, 1881), 7.

[11] ‘NEWS OF THE DAY. 19/7/1883’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, July 19, 1883), 7.

[12] ‘NEWS OF THE DAY. 22/8/1884’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, August 22, 1884), 5.

[13] Andrew Houison, ‘Correspondence Relating to the Chinese Mission in Sydney’, Textual Records (Mitchell Library, Sydney, N.S.W., 1896), 52–53, Microfilm : CY 3279, B333, Mitchell Manuscripts Section, State Library of New South Wales.

[14] Houison, ‘Correspondence Relating to the Chinese Mission in Sydney’, 55.

[15] Houison, ‘Correspondence Relating to the Chinese Mission in Sydney’, 56.

[16] Alfred Barry, Baptism of Chinese Converts : In St. Andrew’s Cathedral, Sydney on April 8th, 1885 / Sermon by the Most Rev. the Lord Bishop of Sydney. (Sydney, N.S.W.: Australasian Board of Missions, 1885), 1.

[17] ‘OUR DUTY TO THE SUBJECT RACES.’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, April 9, 1885), 5.

[18] Barry, Baptism of Chinese Converts, 7.

[19] Houison, ‘Historical Notes’, 16.

[20] Andrew Houison, ‘1878-1896 Mission Work among Chinese in Sydney Carried on by Australian Board of Missions - Historical Notes’, Textual Records (Mitchell Library, Sydney, N.S.W., 1896), 28, B 330, Mitchell Manuscripts Section, State Library of New South Wales.

[21] ‘NEWS OF THE DAY. 22/9/1885’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, September 2, 1885), 9.

[22] ‘Index to the Register of Acts & Proceedings of the Archbishop of Sydney, Volume 5’ (Sydney), 231, Sydney Diocesan Archives, Anglican Church Diocese of Sydney.

[23] Houison, ‘Correspondence Relating to the Chinese Mission in Sydney’, 57.

[24] Houison, ‘Historical Notes’, 26–27.

[25] ‘CHURCH for the CHINESE at BOTANY.’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, June 15, 1885), 5.

[26] ‘OPENING OF A CHINESE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, December 28, 1885), 4.

[27] ‘NEWS OF THE DAY. 22/5/1886’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, May 22, 1886), 13.

[28] Leonie Cable, ‘Cable Clerical Index’, 2439.

[29] Houison, ‘Correspondence Relating to the Chinese Mission in Sydney’, 59.

[30] ‘The Massacres in China. MEETING OF CHINESE IN SYDNEY.’, Queensland Times, Ipswich Herald and General Advertiser (Qld., August 17, 1895), 5.

[31] ‘CHURCH NEWS. ANGLICAN. 25/4/1896’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, April 25, 1896), 10.

[32] Houison, ‘Correspondence Relating to the Chinese Mission in Sydney’, 59–60.

[33] The Australian Board of Missions, ‘Annual Report of the Sydney Diocesan Corresponding Committee’ (Sydney, September 1, 1895), 2–3.

[34] ‘Chinese Mission’, Evening News (Sydney, NSW, August 6, 1890), 6.

[35] ‘Entertainment for the Chinese’, The Cumberland Argus and Fruitgrowers Advocate (Parramatta, NSW, July 13, 1895), 4.

[36] ‘NEWS OF THE DAY. 19/2/1884’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, February 19, 1884), 7.

[37] ‘NEWS OF THE DAY. 18/9/1884’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, September 18, 1884), 9.

[38] ‘RESIDENT CHINESE AND CHRISTIANITY.’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, May 31, 1886), 4.

[39] ‘QUEENSLAND. BRISBANE, FRIDAY.’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, October 15, 1887), 14.

[40] ‘The Brisbane Courier. THURSDAY, OCTOBER 13, 1887.’, The Brisbane Courier (Qld., October 13, 1887), 5.

[41] ‘No Title’, The Brisbane Courier (Qld., October 11, 1887), 9.

[42] ‘A CHINESE TEA-MEETING.’, The Brisbane Courier (Qld., October 14, 1887), 7.

[43] Ruth Teale, ‘Ten, George Soo Hoo (1848–1934)’, in Australian Dictionary of Biography (vol. 6; Canberra: National Centre of Biography, Australian National University, 1976).

[44] ‘Brevities. 30/11/1889’, Evening News (Sydney, NSW, November 30, 1889), 5.

[45] ‘SYDNEY CITY MISSION.’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, December 4, 1889), 5.

[46] ‘MISSION TO THE CHINESE.’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, December 26, 1889), 5.

[47] ‘MISSION TO THE CHINESE.’, 5.

[48] ‘UNIVERSITY OF SYDNEY.’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, December 2, 1890), 6.

[49] ‘Religious Announcements’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, February 11, 1891), 9.

[50] ‘The Sydney Morning Herald. FRIDAY, JUNE 19, 1891.’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, June 19, 1891), 5.

[51] ‘Western Chinese Mission. ANNUAL MEETING.’, Bathurst Free Press and Mining Journal (NSW, September 16, 1891), 2.

[52] ‘Mission to the Chinese in Maitland.’, The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser (NSW, November 5, 1891), 3.

[53] ‘Untitled’, New Zealand Herald, May 16, 1894, 6.

[54] ‘CHINESE MISSION.’, Launceston Examiner (Tas., August 18, 1894), 7.

[55] ‘SHIPPING. ARRIVALS.—SEPTEMBER 3.’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, September 4, 1894), 4.

[56] ‘CHURCH NEWS. ANGLICAN. 20/10/1894’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, October 20, 1894), 10.

[57] ‘Religious’, The Cumberland Argus and Fruitgrowers Advocate (Parramatta, NSW, November 17, 1894), 5.

[58] Now known as Yagoona, Bass Hill, and north Bankstown.

[59] The Australian Board of Missions, ‘Annual Report of the Sydney Diocesan Corresponding Committee’, 3.

[60] ‘Entertainment for the Chinese’, 4.

[61] Houison, ‘The Chinese Mission’, 43?.

[62] ‘News of the Churches. 21/3/1896’, Australian Town and Country Journal (Sydney, NSW, March 21, 1896), 9.

[63] ‘CHURCH NEWS. CHURCH OF ENGLAND CHINESE MISSION.’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, April 2, 1896), 5.

[64] ‘CHURCH NEWS. CHURCH OF ENGLAND CHINESE MISSION.’, 4.

[65] ‘CHURCH NEWS. ANGLICAN. 25/4/1896’, 10.

[66] ‘CHURCH NEWS. ANGLICAN. 2/5/1896’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, May 2, 1896), 10.

[67] ‘News of the Churches. 23/5/1896’, Australian Town and Country Journal (Sydney, NSW, May 23, 1896), 8.

[68] ‘CHURCH NEWS. ANGLICAN. 18/7/1896’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, July 18, 1896), 10.

[69] ‘CHURCH NEWS. ANGLICAN. 19/12/1896’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, December 19, 1896), 10.

[70] Andrew Houison, ‘Andrew Houison Papers, 1889-1912?’, State Library of New South Wales, Cited 28 May 2014, Online: http://acms.sl.nsw.gov.au/item/itemDetailPaged.aspx?itemID=949776.

[71] New South Wales Church Missionary Association, ‘Annual Report 1897-1898’ (Sydney, 1899), 6.

[72] ‘Bathurst Chinese Mission.’, Bathurst Free Press and Mining Journal (NSW, March 21, 1899), 2.

[73] ‘ST. PETER’S, WOOLLOOMOOLOO.’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, August 17, 1899), 4.

[74] ‘The Australian Missions’, The Gundagai Times and Tumut, Adelong and Murrumbidgee District Advertiser (NSW, April 24, 1900), 2.

[75] ‘Church of England. VISIT OF THE CHINESE MISSIONARY.’, Bowral Free Press and Berrima District Intelligencer (NSW, May 5, 1900), 2.

[76] ‘Church of England.’, Cootamundra Herald (NSW, May 5, 1900), 2.

[77] ‘BREVITIES. 23/3/1901’, The Cumberland Argus and Fruitgrowers Advocate (Parramatta, NSW, March 23, 1901), 1.

[78] ‘SATURDAY AFTERNOON SPORTS.’, The Maitland Daily Mercury (NSW, October 27, 1902), 4.

[79] ‘THE CHURCHES. TAMWORTH, Monday.’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, May 12, 1903), 3.

[80] This word is inexplicably pale in Houison’s notes.

[81] Houison, ‘The Chinese Mission’, 64.

[82] ‘News of the Churches. 9/4/1898’, Australian Town and Country Journal (Sydney, NSW, April 9, 1898), 10.

[83] ‘A CHINESE CHURCH.’, Evening News (Sydney, NSW, April 2, 1898), 5.

[84] SMH, Evening News, Australian Town and Country Journal

[85] Houison, ‘The Chinese Mission’, 61–62.

[86] Church of England. Diocese of Sydney. Synod, Proceedings of the Ninth Synod of the Diocese of Sydney, New South Wales (Sydney: [The Diocese], 1892), 128.

[87] George Soo Hoo Ten, ‘Candidates for the Office of a Priest’ (Sydney), Acts & Proceedings of Archbishop of Sydney - Ordination Priest - George Soo Hoo TEN, Sydney Diocesan Archives, Anglican Church Diocese of Sydney.

[88] ‘ST. ANDREW’S CATHEDRAL. AN ORDINATION SERVICE.’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, June 25, 1898), 13.

[89] New South Wales Church Missionary Association, ‘Annual Report NSW CMA 1897-1898’, 6.

[90] New South Wales Church Missionary Association, ‘Annual Report 1896’ (Sydney, 1897), 27.

[91] New South Wales Church Missionary Association, ‘Annual Report NSW CMA 1896’, 27–28.

[92] New South Wales Church Missionary Association, ‘Annual Report NSW CMA 1896’, 28–29.

[93] ‘CHINESE CHURCH. LAYING THE FOUNDATION-STONE.’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, October 9, 1896), 3.

[94] New South Wales Church Missionary Association, ‘Annual Report 1903’ (Sydney), 14.

[95] New South Wales Church Missionary Association, ‘Annual Report 1904’ (Sydney), 8.

[96] New South Wales Church Missionary Association, ‘Annual Report 1905-1906’ (Sydney), 21.

[97] New South Wales Church Missionary Association, ‘Annual Report 1908-1909’ (Sydney), 9.

[98] ‘NEW CENTRAL RAILWAY STATION. FOUNDATION-STONE LAID.’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, May 1, 1902), 5.

[99] ‘Sydney Corporation Act 1902’, August 20, 1902, . sec. 197.

[100] ‘Sydney Corporation Amendment Act 1905’, December 9, 1905, 196, 204.

[101] Church of England. Diocese of Sydney and New South Wales. Church of England Constitutions Act Amendment Act of 1902, The Constitutions and Ordinances of Synod of the Diocese of Sydney, Etc (Sydney: [The Diocese], 1908), 554.

[102] Church of England. Diocese of Sydney and New South Wales. Church of England Constitutions Act Amendment Act of 1902, The Constitutions and Ordinances of Synod of the Diocese of Sydney, Etc, 557.

[103] I found the legal language of this Ordinance difficult to understand.

[104] Church of England. Diocese of Sydney and New South Wales. Church of England Constitutions Act Amendment Act of 1902, The Constitutions and Ordinances of Synod of the Diocese of Sydney, Etc, 164.

[105] New South Wales Church Missionary Association, ‘Annual Report NSW CMA 1908-1909’, 9.

[106] New South Wales Church Missionary Association, ‘Annual Report 1909-1910’ (Sydney), 10.

[107] New South Wales Church Missionary Association, ‘Annual Report 1910-1911’ (Sydney, 1911), 14.

[108] New South Wales Church Missionary Association, ‘Annual Report 1911-1912’ (Sydney, 1912), 20.

[109] Johnstone, A History of the Church Missionary Society in Australia and Tasmania, 297.

[110] Death registration number 16722/1934

[111] ‘Index to the Register of Acts & Proceedings of the Archbishop of Sydney, Volume 7’ (Sydney), 150, Sydney Diocesan Archives, Anglican Church Diocese of Sydney.

[112] ‘CMS-NSW General Committee Meeting Minutes 1925 - 1931’ (Sydney, October 1925), Mitchell Manuscripts Section, State Library of New South Wales.

[113] Teale, ‘Ten, George Soo Hoo (1848–1934)’.

[114] ‘CMS-NSW General Committee Meeting Minutes 1925 - 1931’.

[115] Cable, ‘Cable Clerical Index’, 2674.

[116] ‘CMS-NSW Sub-Committees 1923-40’ (Sydney, November 1, 1923), Mitchell Manuscripts Section, State Library of New South Wales.

[117] Wendy Lu Mar, So Great a Cloud of Witnesses - A History of the Chinese Presbyterian Church Sydney, 1893-1993 (The Chinese Presbyterian Church - Sydney, 1993), 8–9.

[118] Mar, So Great a Cloud of Witnesses - A History of the Chinese Presbyterian Church Sydney, 1893-1993, 12.

[119] ‘CPC Church History’, Chinese Presbyterian Church, Cited 29 May 2014, Online: http://www.cpc.org.au/content/cpc-church-history.

[120] Church of England. Diocese of Sydney, Synod Ordinances, Diocese of Sydney. 1924-1929, 1908, 427.

[121] ‘Mascot Demolition’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, June 6, 1928).

[122] Church Missionary Society of Australia and Tasmania NSW Branch, ‘Annual Report 1920-1921’ (Sydney, 1921), 20.

[123] Johnstone, A History of the Church Missionary Society in Australia and Tasmania, 297.

[124] Teale, ‘Ten, George Soo Hoo (1848–1934)’.

[125] ‘Death Record of George Soo Hoo Ten’, NSW Registry of Births, Deaths and Marriages - Historical Index Search, Cited 29 May 2014, Online: http://www.bdm.nsw.gov.au/cgi-bin/IndexSearch?form=IndexingSearch&cgiurl=%2Fcgi-bin%2FIndex%2FIndexingBirth.cgi&sname=ten&gname=george&fname=&mname=&event=deaths&frange=1934&trange=&place=&x=61&y=3&SessionID=45935272.

[126] ‘Chinese Naturalisation Database’, Chinese Heritage of Australian Federation Project, Cited 29 May 2014, Online: http://arrow.latrobe.edu.au/store/3/4/5/5/1/public/FMPro189e.html.

[127] Ten, ‘Candidates for the Office of a Priest’.

[128] Smith, ‘Foundation Stone, Wexford St.’.

[129] ‘Chinese Naturalisation Database’.

[130] New South Wales Church Missionary Association, ‘Annual Report NSW CMA 1911-1912’, 20.

[131] ‘Obituary - Soo Hoo Ten’, Our Banner (Free Presbyterian Church of Australia), March 15, 1935.

[132] ‘THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH OF EASTERN AUSTRALIA.’, The Sydney Morning Herald (NSW, November 16, 1878).

[133] Rowland S. Ward, The Bush Still Burns : The Presbyterian and Reformed Faith in Australia, 1788-1988 (Wantirna, Vic.: Rowland S. Ward, 1989), 248.